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press release
Steven Schrage Appointed Helsinki Commission Executive Director
Friday, March 24, 2023WASHINGTON—Rep. Joe Wilson (SC-02), Chairman of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, today announced the appointment of Dr. Steven P. Schrage as Helsinki Commission Executive Director. “The Helsinki Commission welcomes Dr. Steven Schrage to its already impressive team. His rich foreign policy experiences and academia background with the State Department, White House, Congress, Duke, Harvard, Cambridge University, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) as well as other institutions, make him uniquely qualified to lead the Commission as Executive Director. “I welcome Steven’s ideas and insights to further compliment the Commission’s mission, and look forward to working closely with him,” said Chairman Joe Wilson. “I am honored to join Chairman Wilson’s Helsinki Commission team and help support his long and impressive work to advance American interests and cooperation abroad,” said Schrage. “With the largest war in Europe since World War II and new global challenges facing America and our allies, there has never been a more critical time for the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe’s mission.” Schrage has previously served as Co-Chair of the G8’s Crime and Terrorism Group and Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, where he oversaw over $2 billion in global assistance and operations and over 2000 personnel after 9/11. Beginning days after the start of Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Schrage spent much of the last year volunteering and researching border and human security challenges on the Ukraine-Poland border. He also served in the executive branch as a Senior Advisor in the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, and as the Foreign Policy Director and in other headquarters policy roles for major presidential campaigns. Schrage has considerable Congressional experience as a Senate Chief of Staff, International Trade Counsel for the Ways and Means Committee, and on the policy team of the Speaker of the House. His first day at the Commission was March 13, 2023
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in the news
Funding for Ukraine is far from unchecked charity
Tuesday, March 14, 2023That a large sum of U.S. funding supports Ukraine’s defense against Russian aggression is well understood. What few people know is that the Pentagon, State Department, and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) have teamed up to create a comprehensive monitoring process to ensure that funding is used effectively and transparently. The process appears to be working. On March 1, House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Michael McCaul (R-Texas) summed up what he saw on an official oversight trip that took him to Poland and Ukraine: “To date, no significant acts of fraud or misuse involving U.S. assistance have occurred.” Rep. Lisa McClain (R-Mich.) of the House Armed Services Committee reached a similar conclusion after her own visit to the front. She said, “[When you] actually see the inventory of weapons that we are sending and just how they are getting from Point A to Point B and how we’re tracking them … that, I can assure you, raised my level of confidence. There is a saying, ‘One look is worth 1,000 reports.’” While the Ukraine mission commands significant bipartisan support, lawmakers want to be confident, ahead of additional funding votes, that the executive branch is being a good steward of taxpayer dollars. At an open House Armed Services Committee hearing on Feb. 28, lawmakers heard from military and civilian officials, including Pentagon Inspector General Robert Storch, about how the department accounts for weapons and related support. Storch described several elements of the oversight mission that ensure due diligence: approximately 20 ongoing and planned audits; a criminal investigative service unit detecting and preventing fraud; forward deployment of personnel into the region to oversee assistance before weapons cross into Ukraine; and identification of potential oversight obstacles. Storch and his colleagues regularly report back to lawmakers and executive branch leaders. Armed Services Committee Chairman Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) explained that lawmakers receive monthly classified briefings from the department, in addition to congressionally mandated written reports. The risk of arms being diverted by Ukrainians was raised by members. Storch explained that based on a combination of inventory reviews, access to tracking data, and in-person site visits by personnel from the Office of Defense Cooperation at the embassy in Kyiv, U.S. officials have seen “no signs of diversion or that the Ukrainians are not following procedures.” The only contentious exchange on the issue occurred when a reported claim of weapons diversion raised by a member during questioning turned out to be sourced to an uncorroborated article published by Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece known for peddling disinformation. Storch also noted at the hearing the importance of working across federal departments given that assistance for Ukraine includes non-defense spending. To that end, the inspectors general from the Defense Department, State Department and USAID formed an interagency working group that, as of January, was running 64 ongoing and planned oversight projects and had completed 14 others. These projects cover a range of activities, including end-use monitoring of weapons, audits of contracts, and safeguards for direct funding assistance for the Ukrainian government. Even with these measures in place, key congressional leaders are not complacent. McCaul and his upper chamber counterpart, Senate Foreign Relations Committee ranking member Sen. Jim Risch (R-Idaho), have pressed the case on oversight of funding that is delivered through non-U.S. government actors such as aid organizations and international financial institutions. A December 2022 letter to the Government Accountability Office from the two lead Republicans overseeing the State Department and USAID outlined requests for information and sharp questions meant to generate greater transparency. Republican leaders also have helped to correct the record on funding details. Some Republican members opposed to supporting Ukraine have emphasized the statement that the U.S. has “sent over $113 billion in foreign aid to Ukraine.” That claim conjures up an image of unlimited sums being shipped into Kyiv, but it is missing critical context for how assistance for Ukraine works in practice. The lead Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), has written that “40 percent of U.S. aid for Ukraine, or about $44 billion, is being spent here at home on our defense industrial base and readiness.” Far from being foreign aid handouts, this funding is a critical investment in an overlooked aspect of U.S. national defense and the workers and innovation that support it. And the broader package is far from charity: It is helping a partner to defend its sovereign territory and cripple a key American adversary’s military without putting Americans in combat. None of this is to say the administration has been immune from critique for its Ukraine policy. Indeed, both Republicans and Democrats in Congress have pushed the administration to enhance its support for Ukraine. Wicker aptly calls this position “more, better and faster,” referring to the quantity, quality and delivery speed of weapons for Ukraine’s defense. The oversight process itself also has room to grow. The inspectors general for Defense, State and USAID are making the case for having a greater, regular presence inside Ukraine for auditing purposes given the difficulties of evaluating programs remotely. Reps. Jason Crown (D-Colo.) and Mike Waltz (R-Fla.), both stalwart defenders of support for Ukraine, recently encouraged the administration to enable just that. Sooner or later, Congress will have its say. On Feb. 28, Assistant Secretary of Defense Celeste Wallander told House appropriators that the administration could not rule out asking Congress for supplemental Ukraine funding in the coming months before the end of the fiscal year. That is, existing funds meant to last through September 2023 may be spent more quickly than anticipated. Congress then would need to act to sustain key Ukraine-related assistance programs. Ongoing oversight of assistance will not satisfy members of Congress advocating to end all U.S. support for Ukraine. But lawmakers who want to hold Moscow accountable while using taxpayer dollars wisely demonstrate that support for Ukraine and robust oversight can be complementary — and in the United States’ national interest.
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in the news
Congress wants to label Wagner group as a terrorist organization. Why is Biden opposed?
Sunday, March 12, 2023A fight is brewing between Congress and President Biden over whether to designate as a terrorist organization the private Russian military company Wagner, which is on the front lines of aggression against Ukraine and accused of heinous atrocities there and across the world. While the Biden administration has sanctioned the Wagner group as a global criminal organization, lawmakers are pushing the State Department to go further by imposing the foreign terrorist designation. The split underscores a long-running tension: Congress has criticized the Biden administration as slow-walking its support for Ukraine, while the administration says it is managing a delicate escalation ladder and safeguarding against potential, negative blowback. “We’ve seen that again and again in terms of this support for the Ukrainians and this war, where Congress has been out ahead of the White House,” Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, told The Hill. “It’s been true since Russia invaded Ukraine. I remember in 2014 supporting lethal weapons for Ukraine, and the White House refused to support that. I don’t see this as unusual. I hope the administration and the State Department comes on board.” Shaheen is a sponsor, along with six other Democratic and Republican senators, of legislation called the Holding Accountable Russian Mercenaries (HARM) Act, which would force the State Department to label Wagner as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). Supporters of the FTO designation say it imposes significantly more costs on Wagner compared to its current label as a transnational criminal organization. The FTO designation would increase U.S. resources to target and disrupt Wagner’s activities, serve as a strong deterrent against people or governments doing business with the group and open new pathways for legal action. “This would be a game changer,” said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), ranking member of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary and one of the co-sponsors of the bill. The National Security Council and the State Department did not respond to questions from The Hill over its specific issues with labeling Wagner an FTO. Complications with Wagner FTO label But a congressional aide, requesting anonymity to discuss sensitive conversations, told The Hill that the administration opposes the legislation over concerns it could impede U.S. efforts to convince and work with African nations to end their associations with or dependency on Wagner. Expert analyses have tied the Wagner group’s activities to countries including Sudan, Libya, the Central African Republic, Mozambique, Mali, Burkina Faso, Cameroon and Chad. The private security company is often used as a supplement force for those countries’ weak militaries. “[The State Department] is concerned that if suddenly the FTO designation lands on Wagner, that those governments, where there’s various officials that deal with them [Wagner], that they would all, immediately be blocked from travel to the United States and have their assets seized for coming into contact with the FTO. So that’s the nature of their concern,” the aide said. “They claim they’re not opposed to it on Ukraine grounds, but they’re opposed to it on Africa grounds.” But supporters of the HARM bill say passing the legislation sends an important political signal while also giving the president authority to delay carrying out the letter of the law. The bill text includes an authority for the president to waive the sanctions requirements over national security concerns. “The messaging that comes from passing a bill like this, I think, is valuable and we would want that. I think it can have both worlds,” the aide said. And supporters of the FTO designation say that the Wagner group, in particular, fulfills criteria separate from the transnational criminal organization label. Wagner’s close ties to the Kremlin make it more than just a criminal organization operating for profit, as opposed to other transnational criminal groups like drug cartels in Central and South America. Wagner is “ostensibly a private outfit, but actually functions as an arm proxy of the Kremlin,” Justyna Gudzowska, a former Treasury sanctions official, testified to lawmakers Thursday during a hearing of the Helsinki Commission. Gudzowska, the director of illicit financing at the investigative and policy organization The Sentry, said that the organization has tracked Wagner spending money in the Central African Republican on “sophisticated Hollywood-style propaganda glorifying Russia.” This “makes it clear that the group is not there just for economic spoils, but also to project Russian power abroad,” she told lawmakers. Still, Gudzowska also warned that an FTO designation on Wagner could harm humanitarian groups working in these countries, another unintended consequence of such a designation, and called for lawmakers to ensure such issues “are properly mitigated.” What has Wagner allegedly done? The alleged atrocities committed by the Wagner group make up a long list and are difficult to stomach. In Ukraine, the Wagner group is accused of employing the tactic of human wave attacks to overwhelm front-line positions, throwing bodies to be killed. Wagner forces are also accused of carrying out the rape, torture and massacre of civilians in Bucha, Ukraine, in March 2022. In countries in Africa, Gudzowska testified bluntly that “Wagner targets civilians,” and said that Wagner forces and Wagner-trained Central African soldiers use terror as a weapon against the civilian population. “They have committed mass rape, torture, forced disappearance and dislocation, and they have killed thousands of civilians,” Gudzowska said. Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.), a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who is focused on Wagner atrocities in Africa and has talked with officials in Ukraine about the group’s atrocities, said he is supportive of labeling the group as an FTO but is not committed to any one piece of legislation. “I am trying to make sure that I understand what the consequences might be,” he told The Hill. “But I think this is something we need to move on.” A move to change Russia’s status Supporters of the FTO designation also hope it lays the groundwork for labeling Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism, a move the Biden administration has also resisted over concerns for unintended consequences, like making it harder to move grain out of Ukraine while it is under a Russian naval blockade. Graham had earlier tried to work with the administration on legislation to label Russia as an “aggressor state,” in a compromise over the state sponsor of terrorism designation, but that fell apart. “I’ve worked with the administration — how can you say Russia’s committing crimes against humanity and you won’t label them a state sponsor of terrorism?” Graham told The Hill. “I don’t like this crime of aggression crap, I want to go to what they are, a state sponsor of terrorism.” He continued that he is focused on designating Wagner an FTO, followed by becoming “a real vocal, unrelenting force to get Russia labeled as a state sponsor of terrorism.” Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), co-sponsor of the HARM Act and co-sponsor of the “Aggressor” legislation with Graham, agreed that designating Wagner an FTO “could help lead to” designating Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism. Blumenthal expressed confidence that the HARM Act would be brought to the Senate floor for a vote in a “week or two,” and suggested it could bypass the normal committee procedure, although his colleagues didn’t entirely agree. “I don’t know about not going through committee, but I don’t think it will have much problem getting through there either,” Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), co-sponsor of the bill and a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, where the bill has been referred. “I think Wagner at this point is the definition of a Foreign Terrorist Organization and they just happen to operate for profit.” Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said he supported designating Wagner an FTO but said he had not seen the legislation. The congressional aide who spoke with The Hill said that the legislation is unlikely to move quickly, facing a difficult, uphill battle by nature of Senate procedures – between challenges to getting it on the calendar for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in general, and the chance the Banking Committee may exercise jurisdiction because of the sanctions piece of the legislation. “Also, marking something up in the committee or passing it on the Senate floor does not immediately mean it’s a law that would be implemented,” the aide said. “And particularly because the administration doesn’t want it, it could disappear, in the dark of night, on a [National Defense Authorization Act] discussion next December.” Graham, however, was upbeat and said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) appeared to be on board. Schumer’s office did not return a request for comment. “I talked to Sen. Schumer, he said he thought it was a good idea … I think Sen. Schumer is going to make it happen,” he said.
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press release
Helsinki Commission Leadership Statement on Georgian foreign agent law
Monday, March 06, 2023WASHINGTON—In response to news that the Georgian parliament is considering Russian-style foreign agent legislation, which would have a chilling effect on Georgia’s vibrant civil society, Helsinki Commission Chairman Representative Joe Wilson (SC-2), Co-Chairman Senator Ben Cardin (MD), Ranking Member Representative Steve Cohen (TN-09), and Ranking Member Senator Roger Wicker (MS) issued the following joint statement: “Since regaining independence, the Georgian people have clearly and consistently chosen to be part of the democratic, Euro-Atlantic community. However, the antidemocratic, Russian-style foreign agent law would be, if enacted, a rebuke to the Georgian people’s EU and NATO aspirations and underscore the rapid decline of Georgian democracy. It would also demonstrate the present government’s increasing embrace of Russia—the same country that occupies 20 percent of Georgian territory, kidnaps its citizens, disregards its sovereignty, and wages a genocidal war against Ukraine. “This bill as well as the ongoing democratic decline, including the jailing of political opponents, is an attack on our strategic partnership and the Georgian people’s Western choice. Since 1991, the United States has been a firm and untiring friend to the Georgian people. This will not change, regardless of the government’s position. In the spirit of that friendship, we call on the Georgian government to reject the proposed legislation and renew its commitment to democracy.”
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hearing
Hearing: Countering Russia's Terroristic Mercenaries
Thursday, March 09, 2023The notorious Wagner Group, a Russian mercenary network, is known to have conducted predatory and terroristic activities since 2014, including in Ukraine, Mali, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. Its actions in the service of Kremlin political interests have been characterized by deliberate violations of human rights and atrocities, including heinous acts of violence against civilians, killings, kidnappings, torture, human trafficking and threatening of journalists. The Wagner Group has also received weapons from North Korea, a designated State Sponsor of Terrorism, for its operations in Ukraine. As a response to the terroristic actions of the Wagner Group, Members of the House and Senate have introduced the Holding Accountable Russian Mercenaries (HARM) Act (H.R. 506/S. 416), bipartisan legislation that would require the Secretary of State to designate the Russian-based Wagner Group (and its affiliates and successors) as a foreign terrorist organization (FTO). At this hearing, witnesses responded to questions posed by a bipartisan group of Representatives and Senators, evaluating the most effective tools to counter the Wagner Group and its affiliates – including potential FTO designation through the HARM Act. Helsinki Commission Chairman Rep. Joe Wilson (SC-02) opened the hearing with a powerful statement condemning the Wagner Group, highlighting the atrocities they commit using the resources of the Kremlin: “The Wagner Group has spread terror far and wide, committing acts of political violence resulting in the massacre of thousands of civilians in mass atrocities, as in Bucha in Ukraine and Moura in Mali. Wherever Wagner goes, atrocities are soon to follow.” The chairman displayed a fragment of a Wagner SU-24M that was shot down over Bakhmut, Ukraine, demonstrating a “concrete example of the murderous power of this organization. Can you imagine a supersonic tactical bomber being controlled by terrorists?” The chairman asked witnesses whether an FTO designation for Wagner Group would automatically lead to a state sponsor of terrorism designation for Russia, how an FTO designation would empower lawyers to prosecute Wagner terrorists, and how Wagner operates in service of Putin’s interests. Justyna Gudzowska, Director of Illicit Finance Policy, The Sentry, outlined a brief history of the Wagner Group’s growth since 2014, the numerous atrocities they commit in different countries, and how the group advances Putin’s agenda globally. “Russia has been steadily expanding its influence with the help of the Wagner Group, leaving a trail of death and devastation around the world. In addition to Ukraine, Wagner has deployed to other trouble spots – Syria, Sudan, Libya, the Central African Republic, Mozambique, Mali. It may seem that since invading Ukraine, Russia has been increasingly isolated as a global pariah, but in Africa the Wagner Group has continued to project Russian influence.” She urged Congress and the administration to “implement the toughest economic tools the United States government has at its disposal to counter the Wagner threat and choke off the group’s resources, while minimizing negative impacts on civilians in fragile countries where Wagner operates.” Jason Blazakis, Director, Middlebury Institute of International Studies (MIIS) Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism (CTEC) and Senior Fellow, Soufan Center drew from his State Department experience to explain why the Wagner Group qualifies for an FTO designation. He also detailed the practical implications an FTO designation would have on curbing the Wagner’s activities. “There is no question that the Wagner Group meets the legal criteria set forth in the Immigration and Nationality Act.” Blazakis outlined that an FTO designation would allow the U.S. to prosecute members and financial backers of the Wagner Group; it would give prosecutors extraterritorial jurisdiction; and it would limit Wagner Group’s success recruiting fighters. Jason Wright, Partner, Curtis, Mallet-Prevost, Colt & Mosle LLP and chair of its Economic Sanctions and Trade Control Committee and National Security Law Practice Committee described that an FTO designation would empower the U.S. justice system to effectively target the Wagner Group, help the U.S. and other countries enforce the rule of law, coordinate interagency deterrence actions, and give U.S. diplomats more leverage to isolate the group. “Members, in my opinion, the global war on terrorism is not over. We have simply started a new chapter. A new threat has emerged.” Commissioner Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (NH) expressed her support for designating the Wagner Group an FTO declaring: “I am convinced, on the foreign terrorist designation. I’m a co-sponsor of legislation in the Senate that’s bipartisan that would do that. I think the sooner we do it, the better.” The senator inquired about the rifts between the Wagner Group and the Russian Ministry of Defense (MOD), the group’s troubling recruiting practices, and how best to counter Wagner’s disinformation operations. Commissioner Rep. Victoria Spartz (IN-05) asked the witnesses about the Wagner Group’s potential activity in Mexico and Central America, its actions that threaten U.S. national security, possible links to China, using an FTO designation to close existing sanctions loopholes, and analyzing Wagner’s propaganda campaigns. Commissioner Sen. Whitehouse (RI) expressed his support for the HARM Act, saying: “we are pushing for a date for a vote with Leader Schumer on the designation of the Wagner Group as a foreign terrorist organization…We just were in Kyiv not long ago. And one of our big takeaways is this really needed to be done. And so I hope it will be shortly.” He posed questions to the witnesses on how “financial institutions, lawyers, company formation agents, and other enablers facilitate” Wagner’s crimes, whether there is consensus among partners on an FTO designation, and the importance of identifying and choking off Wagner’s revenue streams. Commissioner Sen. Richard Blumenthal (CT) added to Sen. Whitehouse’s comments that the Senate expects to vote on the HARM Act “if not next week, hopefully very, very soon.” He also asked witnesses about how enforceable and effective an FTO designation for Wagner Group would be: “I think in getting a vote, it helps to say: This is going to have real impact, because it will be enforced.” Commissioner Rep. Mike Lawler (NY-17) asked witnesses if the Wagner Group’s activities have spilled over into former soviet countries, how the U.S. should respond to North Korea’s military aid to Wagner Group and the prospect of Chinese military aid to Russia, and what specific tools an FTO designation would give the U.S. to target the Wagner Group and hold enablers and bad actors accountable. Ranking Member Rep. Steve Cohen (TN-09) expressed his frustration with the State Department’s hesitancy to declare Russia’s war on Ukraine a genocide and to designate the Wagner Group an FTO, saying: “Sometimes the State Department needs a … strong kick in the rear. And that’s what this bill …[is] trying to do.” Ranking Member Cohen asked the witnesses to explain the cause of the State Department’s inaction, discuss other problematic Russian private military companies, and analyze the future role the Wagner Group’s leader, Yevgeny Prigozhin, may play in Russia’s war on Ukraine. Witnesses responded to questions emphasizing that labeling the Wagner group a FTO would not automatically lead to a state sponsor of terrorism designation for Russia. They also remarked that an FTO designation would make it much easier to successfully prosecute Wagner fighters and supporters, as it has successfully curbed ISIS and Al Qaeda in the past. An FTO designation would close sanctions loopholes, and deter current and would-be supporters of the organization.
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in the news
Why is Georgia in turmoil over a "foreign agents" law?
Thursday, March 09, 2023TBILISI, March 9 (Reuters) - Ruling lawmakers in the South Caucasus country of Georgia on Thursday scrapped plans to introduce what critics called a Russian-inspired "foreign agents" law after two days of intense street protests in the capital Tbilisi. Here is a guide to what's going on: WHAT IS THE PROPOSED 'FOREIGN AGENTS' LAW? - Individuals, civil society organisations and media outlets that receive 20% of their funding from abroad would have been required to register as an "agent of foreign influence" with the Georgian Justice Ministry. - Rights groups say the "foreign agent" tag is a designed to make it easier for the government to discredit its opponents. WHY WAS IT INTRODUCED? - Government officials said the proposals were necessary to root out "foreign influence" and "spies", and that Georgians have the right to know who funds non-government organisations (NGOs). - Parliamentary leaders have also said the bills would help unmask critics of the influential Georgian Orthodox Church. - It says it is modelled on the U.S. 1938 "Foreign Agents Registration Act", which primarily covers lobbyists and organisations directly working for or under the control of foreign governments. WHAT DID CRITICS SAY? - Opponents said the legislation was inspired by a 2012 Russian law that has been used extensively to crack down on dissent for the past decade. Georgian President Salome Zourabichvili, a former French diplomat who wants to steer the country closer to Europe, said she would veto it - though parliament could have overruled her. - Some 400 Georgian NGOs signed a letter saying the bill was "an attack on Georgian values" that would "hinder Georgia's progress towards EU membership". - Human Rights Watch said it "would have a serious chilling effect on groups and individuals working to protect human rights, democracy, and the rule of law". - Georgian lawmakers brawled during a hearing on the bill this week, and tens of thousands of people protested, chanting "no to the Russian law". HOW DID THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY REACT? - EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said the bill went against EU values and Georgia's aim of joining the bloc, and its adoption "may have serious repercussions on our relations." - The U.S. Helsinki Commission, a U.S. government agency, said the law demonstrated "the present government's increasing embrace of Russia". - The State Department said Washington was "deeply troubled" by the bill. Washington has rejected comparisons with its own legislation. WHAT IS THE ROLE OF RUSSIA? - Georgian society is strongly anti-Moscow following years of conflict over the status of two Russian-backed breakaway regions, which flared into war in 2008. The two countries have no formal diplomatic relations. - Opponents say the ruling Georgian Dream party, however, has close relations with the Kremlin. Its founder Bidzina Ivanishvili is Georgia's richest man, having amassed his fortune in Russia during the chaotic privatisations of the 1990s. - The Kremlin said on Thursday it had nothing to do with events in Georgia, rejected claims the laws were inspired by Russia, and expressed concern about the unrest. - "The Kremlin didn't inspire anything there, the Kremlin has absolutely nothing to do with it. ... If I understand it correctly, one version was very similar to an equivalent law in the United States," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said. - Tbilisi has not imposed sanctions on Moscow over the war in Ukraine, despite large-scale protests in the country calling for a tougher line against Russia's invasion. WHAT ABOUT EUROPE? - Opinion polls routinely show that a majority of Georgians are pro-European. - Georgia applied for EU "candidate status" last March, alongside Ukraine and Moldova. But Brussels rebuffed Tbilisi's bid, citing concerns over the rule of law and judicial independence, among other factors. - Critics say the ruling party is merely paying lip service to the idea of EU membership. - The EU's delegation to Georgia praised the decision to withdraw the bill, calling on the country's political leaders to resume pro-EU reforms. HAS THE LAW BEEN KILLED? - On Thursday, the government said it was putting the law's passage through parliament on hold. - It attacked the "radical opposition" and a "machine of lies that presented the bill in a negative light". - It said it would launch a public consultation period to "better explain to the public what the bill was for and why it is important". - On Tuesday, lawmakers had sent the bills to the Venice Commission, a Council of Europe body that advises countries on the impact draft laws have on the functioning of democracy and human rights, and said they would await feedback. - The opposition has called for a new protest starting at 7 p.m. (1500 GMT) on Thursday, demanding that the government formally denounce the plans and release all those detained during the demonstrations.
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press release
HEARING: COUNTERING RUSSIA’S TERRORISTIC MERCENARIES
Friday, March 03, 2023HEARING: COUNTERING RUSSIA’S TERRORISTIC MERCENARIES Thursday, March 9, 2023 10:00am Room: Rayburn 2020 Streaming: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2YuZK-A3YtQ WASHINGTON— The notorious Wagner Group, a Russian mercenary network, is known to have conducted predatory and terroristic activities since 2014, including in Ukraine, Mali, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. Its actions in the service of Kremlin political interests have been characterized by deliberate violations of human rights and atrocities, including heinous acts of violence against civilians, killings, kidnappings, torture, human trafficking and threatening of journalists. The Wagner Group has also received weapons from North Korea, a designated State Sponsor of Terrorism, for its operations in Ukraine. As a response to the terroristic actions of the Wagner Group, Members of the House and Senate have introduced the Holding Accountable Russian Mercenaries (HARM) Act (H.R. 506/S. 416), bipartisan legislation that would require the Secretary of State to designate the Russian-based Wagner Group (and its affiliates and successors) as a foreign terrorist organization (FTO). At this hearing, witnesses will evaluate the most effective tools to counter the Wagner Group and its affiliates – including potential FTO designation through the HARM Act. The following witnesses are scheduled to participate: 1. Justyna Gudzowska, Director of Illicit Finance Policy, The Sentry; former lead sanctions lawyer at Morgan Stanley, former attorney-advisor for the Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) and former expert on ISIS and Al-Qaida for the UN Security Council. 2. Jason Blazakis, Director, Middlebury Institute of International Studies (MIIS) Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism (CTEC); Senior Fellow, Soufan Center and Senior Advisor, Soufan Group; former Director of the Counterterrorism Finance and Designations Office, Bureau of Counterterrorism, U.S. Department of State. 3. Jason Wright, Partner, Curtis, Mallet-Prevost, Colt & Mosle LLP and chair of its Economic Sanctions and Trade Control Committee and National Security Law Practice Committee; former Army judge advocate (JAG) with tours in Germany, Iraq, and Guantanamo Bay; current Army Reserve JAG assigned as Assistant Professor of Law at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point; former adjunct Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center and the Washington and Lee University School of Law.
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in the news
CSCE Senior Policy Advisor Michael Hikari Cecire on Georgian Dream’s Chance to Turn It Around
Thursday, March 09, 2023It’s clearly an attack on Georgia’s EuroAtlantic choice, an attack on Georgia’s democracy, an attack on Georgia’s strategic partnerships with the West, and an attack on the Georgia and US bilateral relationship. It’s also quite self-evidently, an expression of deference to Moscow and an alignment with Russian interests in the region, – CSCE Senior Policy Advisor Michael Hikari Cecire tells RFE/RL’s Georgian Service of the controversial law that was set to be imposed this week. “Legislation like this is so painfully undemocratic,” he notes. “What it does is signal the ruling party’s willingness to undermine and attack all elements, all institutional edifices, of the remnants of Georgia democracy. It’s not just the law itself which is abysmal, it’s really an assault on the last redoubt of independent thought in Georgian society, and that’s civil society and the media. It also signals a willingness to turn the power of the state against any other forms of independent or democratic expression.” Michael Hikari Cecire joined the US Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), where he focuses on the South Caucasus and Black Sea regional affairs, as a senior policy advisor, in 2021. Previously, he was an analyst at the Congressional Research Service, before that serving as a policy advisor, strategic researcher, and Eurasia regional analyst supporting the Department of Defense and other US government agencies. We sat down with him to discuss the foreign agents bills the Georgian Dream ruling party were set to put into force this week. The interview took place before the party offered to withdraw the bills following 48 hours of protest and rioting. One of the arguments we’ve heard for those supporting these bills is the very same argument that Russia used back in 2012 to introduce a similar legislation: “Well, if the US has it, why can’t we?” What do you think of these comparisons? Does the US having FARA justify Georgia doing what it’s doing? What is clear is that the Georgian Dream political leadership isn’t even bothering to offer their own independent, even bad faith, arguments for this law. They are just aping Russian arguments that were made about their law, and Azerbaijani arguments about their derivative law, demonstrating their fealty to Moscow and a lack of independent thought even to create their own separate narrative. It’s very sad to watch that play out. I don’t think most Georgians are buying it, though, because it’s so blatant and so unoriginal. And for the record, I think it is worth saying that this has nothing to do with FARA, which is a very narrow bit of legislation and really only covers those who are working for and on behalf of foreign governments and foreign political parties. It’s really speaking to lobbyists in particular, to represent these interests, and has nothing to do for the most part with civil society or the media. There is a sense in society that, should this law pass, it would merely be the start of a path to somewhere bad. Where does that path lead? Crossing that line is an opening to other sorts of law or actions that can really radically transform Georgia from an imperfect but vibrant and pluralistic democracy, into a fully autocratic and perhaps even authoritarian country, and one in league with Russia. And as such, because Russia has no allies and only vassals, essentially a tributary to Moscow. We have to make it clear where we stand. And we stand with the Georgian people. We stand with Georgia’s democracy If all your nominal partners in the West, and all of those whose counsel you should be heeding domestically, are telling you not to do it, then that means your partnership and your source of counsel is coming from elsewhere. And that elsewhere is quite evidently Russia. The rationale for this is unclear, and there are a number of potential reasons this may be the case, but none of them are good, and none of them are satisfactory in terms of why Georgia should be going down this route. What can or should the West do about it? I think that we need to do what we are doing, which is to make it very clear that this is an attack on not just our relationship, and not just on the will of the Georgian people, but also an abrupt and deliberate shift into Moscow’s column. It’s clear to me that they don’t care very much about the health or maintenance of Georgia’s democracy, per se, or even about Western integration, and this is also something that could make a lot of things that we previously never would have entertained suddenly possible, such as the elimination of a lot of support for Georgia’s participation in western forums and the travel, prestige and attention that comes with it. It also means potentially that certain people are going to start for the first time genuinely entertaining the thought of what individual sanctions might be considered and on whom they should be levied. The democracy support is not going to end. It may have to change, but it’s not going to end. But you know, the way we support other elements in Georgia, particularly the way we support the state as a whole, may not be justifiable if the state is captured by a party that has become openly pro-Russian. Sanctions would mark a genuine change from the words, however critical, we’ve been hearing for years now, to a whole new phase of actually doing something. What would those actions be? And had the West done it years ago, could this have been prevented? I’ve been very open about the fact that I was not comfortable with sanctions in the past. In the past, sanctions were not the right move, because it seemed to feed into the worst paranoid tendencies of the Georgian Dream leadership; the idea that we are actively trying to undermine them and overthrow them. A lot of those perceptions led us to where we are today. In the past, I was not supportive of sanctions, but actions do have consequences, and this descent into full and open alignment with Moscow is an attack on Georgia’s democracy, and it represents a point we cannot hope for something better to come out of; we can’t hope that carrots and incentives can turn things around by themselves. Instead, we have to make it clear where we stand. And we stand with the Georgian people. We stand with Georgia’s democracy. I think that certain sanctions might be considered- not in the sense that “we are going to do it because we want to,” but to make it very clear that a line has been crossed, or is going to be crossed, beyond which only dark things exist. We certainly shouldn’t be writing off an entire party if they’re genuinely willing to return to their democratic obligations There is this idea that the US has been trying to overthrow Georgian Dream, which is patently false. And there’s this idea that there have even been shadow sanctions related to this Credit Suisse business, which is also patently false. We haven’t done anything. In fact, we’ve been remarkably nuanced and remarkably restrained, in many respects. Would those sanctions include individual sanctions on the big elephant in the room that might well be behind all of this? Everything would be looked at. Absolutely. But one thing that’s important to say is that nothing is irreversible. And as bad as things are, they don’t need to go further. And there is a path back to friendship, cooperation. Even with Georgian Dream? If they are able to demonstrate a genuine willingness to come back and not take this authoritarian term, then why not? But they have to make that part clear; we have to really see it. Under those conditions, the US and Georgia still have a potentially very bright future, and there is a possibility of great bilateral relations. We can go back to that. That’s my hope, but the ball is in their court. Does this not remind you of the West’s incessant attempts to find mutual ground with Putin over the years? No, because I think Russia has never not been an empire. And Russia, in every political expression, has been a violent and poorly oriented empire. In Georgian Dream, there’s clearly a difference in its sliding into subservience to Moscow. But it wasn’t all that long ago that we had a very productive and good relationship with the Georgian Dream government, when Margvelashvili was president and Kvirikashvili was prime minister. It wasn’t perfect, but no country that we work with is perfect. Not even our own. So I don’t think there’s anything necessarily inherent. It’s the same with the UNM – it’s not necessarily an authoritarian party because they took an authoritarian turn at some point. They also did a lot of good, and we also had a great relationship with them at times. We have to be open minded, and we certainly shouldn’t be writing off an entire party if they’re genuinely willing to return to their democratic obligations. But until that happens, it’s all rather academic, unfortunately.
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in the news
What is the trajectory of Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic future?
Wednesday, March 08, 2023Over the past few years, there has been a notable trend toward democratic backsliding in Georgia. Previously recognized as one of the most democratic leaning states that emerged from the rubble of the Soviet Union, domestic political battles have elicited some non-democratic practices. Once clearly on track toward a Western orientation, the Georgian government’s response to Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine one year ago has wavered. Sadly, the ruling coalition in Georgia’s parliament is now attempting to pass a “foreign agent law” directly modelled on the same infamous law in Russia. The proposed law would require organizations that receive more than 20% of their funding from overseas as “foreign agents.” The international friends of Georgia have expressed consternation in recent years over Tbilisi’s democratic backsliding, evidenced perhaps most importantly when the European Union offered EU candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova, but not Georgia, in 2022. All of this raises questions about the direction Georgia is headed. What does the proposed legislation mean for Georgia and its Euro-Atlantic aspirations? How can the US and other Western partners respond? The Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center hosts a discussion on what this proposed bill would mean for Georgia future. A conversation with: Michael Hikari Cecire Senior Policy Advisor US Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Amb. Daniel Fried Weiser Family Distinguished Fellow Atlantic Council Amb. Shota Gvineria Nonresident Fellow Economic Policy Research Center David Kramer Executive Director George W. Bush Institute Laura Linderman Nonresident Senior Fellow, Eurasia Center Atlantic Council
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article
U.S. Delegation to OSCE PA Winter Meeting Delivers Resounding Message of Solidarity with Ukraine
Thursday, March 02, 2023The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly held its 22nd Winter Meeting in Vienna last week against the backdrop of Russia’s full-scale war on Ukraine and delivered a clear message of support for Ukrainian victory and condemnation of Russian aggression. The meeting coincided with the solemn anniversary of Russia’s invasion. Over the course of two days, the Assembly underscored the profound isolation of the Russian and Belarusian delegations, which were participating in an in-person PA gathering for the first time since the start of the war. Through unequivocal statements, coordinated walkouts, and the ubiquitous display of Ukrainian flags, an overwhelming number of the people’s representatives of the OSCE demonstrated that they stand firmly and resolutely with Ukraine’s defense of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Led by Helsinki Commission Co-Chairman Sen. Ben Cardin (D-MD), the U.S. delegation participated in the Winter Meeting alongside 219 delegates from 49 OSCE countries. Other members of the U.S. delegation were Commission Chairman Rep. Joe Wilson (R-SC-02), Ranking Member Rep. Steve Cohen (D-TN-09), as well as Commissioners Rep. Robert Aderholt (R-AL-04), Rep. Richard Hudson (R-NC-09), and Rep. Marc Veasey (D-TX-33). Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX-18) and Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-TX-37) also joined the delegation. The U.S. delegation played a central role in ensuring that the meeting focused on confronting Russia’s era-defining aggression against Ukraine. At the opening plenary session, Helsinki Commission Ranking Member Steve Cohen articulated the U.S. delegation’s purpose for participating in the Winter Meeting in the presence of Russian legislators: namely, to call out Russian lies about Vladimir Putin’s war, demonstrate solidarity with Ukraine, and identify means to pursue victory for Ukraine and accountability for Russia. Rep. Cohen said the delegation would “defend Ukraine and speak up for them and see that the war crimes committed against them—the genocide committed against them—[are] rectified and brought to light.” Rep. Hudson, Chairman of the General Committee on Political Affairs and Security, set the tone for debate in the committee by stating in his opening remarks that “we stand united in support of Ukraine and in condemnation of Russia’s aggression. Everyone here should know that this support is strong, it’s genuine, and it will endure as long as necessary to see a free, sovereign, independent and thriving Ukraine and full accountability for aggressors.” During the committee’s open debate, Rep. Wilson described how “a year later, far from defeat, Ukraine is resilient and resurgent, having pushed back the invaders, liberated territories, and rallied its forces and people.” In pledging support for Ukrainian victory, he vowed “there will be no new Iron Curtain drawn across Europe.” U.S. delegates used their participation in sidebar meetings of the PA’s ad hoc committees on migration and countering terrorism to maintain pressure on Russia for displacing and perpetrating terrorism against civilians. At the Migration committee, Rep. Jackson Lee addressed the plight of children forced to migrate or abducted to Russian territory by Russian forces. At the Countering Terrorism committee, Rep. Veasey briefed fellow parliamentarians on congressional efforts to designate Russia’s Wagner Group a terrorist organization, and urged other legislatures to follow suit. Speaking as OSCE PA Special Representative on Political Prisoners, Rep. Cohen also addressed a side-event organized by the Swedish delegation, featuring Belarusian opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. Also on the margins of the Winter Meeting, the U.S. delegation organized a closed-door, multilateral meeting with the Ukrainian delegation, which opted not to participate in the PA session because of Russia’s presence. The meeting also convened Heads of Delegation from Canada, Estonia, France, Germany, Latvia, Poland, and the United Kingdom to discuss means of supporting Ukraine in the PA and in national legislatures. At the conclusion of the meeting, many participants endorsed a joint press release that urged “the PA to host annual sessions and meetings in OSCE participating States prepared to block the participation of Russia’s representatives.” The U.S. delegation also held bilateral meetings with members of the Armenian, Austrian, and Romanian delegations, focused on further isolating Russia across multiple international fronts. U.S. delegates maintained their unwavering focus on Ukraine at the General Committee on Economic Affairs, Science, Technology, and Environment. Rep. Veasey took the floor to highlight the environmental consequences of Russia’s war. “In a world already struggling with climate change,” he lamented, “the destruction of power stations, utilities, and infrastructure leads to the least sustainable alternatives to survive.” Rep. Doggett underlined the geopolitical urgency of the world’s green energy transformation. “Ending our reliance on fossil fuels will not only save our planet,” he said, “but, more immediately, save us all from the blackmail of petro-dictatorships,” like Russia. During debate in the General Committee on Democracy, Human Rights, and Humanitarian Questions, Rep. Aderholt enumerated the breadth of atrocities committed by Russian forces, including “targeting of civilians; torture; attacks on residential buildings, schools, places of worship, and critical infrastructure, including nuclear powerplants; the abduction of Ukrainian children to Russia for forced assimilation and adoption; sexual violence; destruction of cultural property; and imposed lack of access to food and water.” Calling for urgent legislative action to address Russia’s abduction of more than 17,000 Ukrainian children, Rep. Jackson Lee told the committee: “right now, as we speak, Russia is perpetrating genocide…this is genocide according to the 1948 Genocide Convention.” In a special debate the following day, Rep. Jackson Lee demanded Russia return the children of Ukraine to their homeland. On the last day of the meeting, the OSCE PA held a special debate on Ukraine to mark the one-year anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion. Opening the session, OSCE PA President Margareta Cederfelt announced that a joint declaration on Ukraine, an initiative of the U.S. delegation, had been unanimously endorsed by the PA Bureau (a body of the Assembly’s elected officers) and would be released as the concluding document of the Winter Meeting. As Head of the U.S. delegation, Sen. Cardin spoke in support of this “Joint Statement of Action on the One-Year Anniversary of Russia’s War Against Ukraine and the International Legal Order.” Echoing the document’s language, Sen. Cardin vowed “to uphold Ukraine’s fully justified defense, never recognize Russia’s illegal occupation, continue to isolate Russia, including the use of Magnitsky-type individual sanctions against those complicit in Mr. Putin’s war of aggression and to seek accountability…particularly as it relates to war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide perpetrated against the Ukrainian people.” Later in the day, Sen. Cardin addressed the heads of all national delegations and the elected leadership of the Assembly as Special Representative on Antisemitism, Racism, and Intolerance, noting that Putin’s perverse justification for his war in Ukraine as a “de-Nazification” campaign trivializes the real threat of rising antisemitism in the OSCE region. Rep. Cohen also addressed the Assembly in his capacity as Special Representative on Political Prisoners, highlighting linkages between Putin’s legacy of harsh domestic repression and his global aggression. To loud applause, Rep. Cohen implored the Russian government to release political prisoners and end the war immediately: “Save your people! Bring them home!”
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hearing
North Macedonia's Leadership of the OSCE in a time of war
Tuesday, February 28, 2023North Macedonia has taken up leadership of the world’s largest regional security organization—the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)—a year into Putin’s brutal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Much of the OSCE’s focus over the past year has revolved around responses to the war, including using the organization to condemn Russian aggression and hold the government of the Russian Federation to account, to launch international investigations on Russian war crimes, and to reestablish an OSCE mission on the ground in Ukraine. The OSCE has remained at the forefront despite Russian efforts to block consensus and undermine the Organization and its work. Other challenges in the region include spillover effects of Putin’s war in Ukraine, the extension of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and backsliding in some countries on human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. Anti-Semitic attacks and rhetoric continue to be on the rise, and vulnerable communities are targets of discrimination and violence. Combating human trafficking has taken on a renewed urgency as millions of vulnerable women and children have fled Ukraine. Attacks on independent media continues in some OSCE participating States, including Russia, Belarus and most recently, Kyrgyzstan. At this hearing, North Macedonia’s Foreign Minister and OSCE Chairperson-in-Office Bujar Osmani discussed North Macedonia’s priorities in the OSCE and how it will address Russia’s war on Ukraine and other regional challenges. For more information, please contact Janice Helwig of the Commission staff at 202-225-1901.
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press release
Helsinki Commissioners re-introduce Ukrainian Genocide Resolution in the House and Senate
Friday, February 24, 2023Today, Helsinki Commission Ranking Member Rep. Steve Cohen (TN-09), Chairman Rep. Joe Wilson (SC-02), Commissioners Rep. Marc Veasey (TX-33), Rep. Richard Hudson (NC-09), Rep. Emmanuel Cleaver (MO-05) along with Reps. Sheila Jackson Lee (TX-18), Lloyd Doggett (TX-37), Bill Keating (MA-09), Maria Elvira Salazar (FL-27), Marcy Kaptur (OH-09), Mike Quigley (IL-05), Bill Pascrell (NJ-09), André Carson (IN-07), Brendan Boyle (PA-02), introduced a resolution condemning Russian actions in Ukraine as a genocide under applicable international laws in the 118th Congress. The resolution was also re-introduced in the U.S. Senate on February 16th by Helsinki Commission Co-Chair Senator Ben Cardin (MD) and Senator Jim Risch (ID). Commissioners Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (NH), Sen. Thom Tillis (NC), Sen. Richard Blumenthal (CT) as well as Senators Lindsey Graham (SC), Michael Crapo (ID), Tim Kaine (VA), Rick Scott (FL), Amy Klobuchar (MN), Shelley Moore Capito (WV), Joe Manchin (WV), John Barrasso (WY), Patty Murray (WA), Marco Rubio (FL), and Todd Young (IN) joined Sens. Cardin and Risch as original co-sponsors. The resolution calls on the United States, along with NATO and EU allies, to support the government of Ukraine, support tribunals and investigations on Russian war crimes, use the Global Magnitsky sanctions on those responsible, and describes the substantial and significant evidence of Russia’s systemic actions to eliminate Ukrainians. The Commission applauds this vital resolution to hold Russia accountable for their atrocities. For more information click here. The resolution was first introduced in the 117th Congress in the House of Representatives by Helsinki Commission Ranking Member Rep. Steve Cohen and Chairman Joe Wilson, along with Commissioners Marc Veasey, Richard Hudson, and Representatives Brian Fitzpatrick and Marcy Kaptur, along with companion legislation in the Senate by Helsinki Commission Co-Chair Sen. Ben Cardin and Sen. Jim Risch.
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press release
HEARING: NORTH MACEDONIA’S LEADERSHIP OF THE OSCE IN A TIME OF WAR
Friday, February 24, 2023Tuesday, February 28, 2023 1:00 p.m. to 2:00 p.m. Streaming: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xNgAOyC9f5g North Macedonia has taken up leadership of the world’s largest regional security organization—the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)—a year into Putin’s brutal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Much of the OSCE’s focus over the past year has revolved around responses to the war, including using the organization to condemn Russian aggression and hold the government of the Russian Federation to account, to launch international investigations on Russian war crimes, and to reestablish an OSCE mission on the ground in Ukraine. The OSCE has remained at the forefront despite Russian efforts to block consensus and undermine the Organization and its work. Other challenges in the region include spillover effects of Putin’s war in Ukraine, the extension of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and backsliding in some countries on human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. Anti-Semitic attacks and rhetoric continue to be on the rise, and vulnerable communities are targets of discrimination and violence. Combating human trafficking has taken on a renewed urgency as millions of vulnerable women and children have fled Ukraine. Attacks on independent media continues in some OSCE participating States, including Russia, Belarus and most recently, Kyrgyzstan. At this hearing, North Macedonia’s Foreign Minister and OSCE Chairperson-in-Office Bujar Osmani will discuss North Macedonia’s priorities in the OSCE and how it will address Russia’s war on Ukraine and other regional challenges.
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press release
U.S. Delegation to the OSCE PA presents Joint Statement on Russia’s War in Ukraine
Friday, February 24, 2023WASHINGTON— Today, the U.S. Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE PA) endorsed the “Joint Statement of Action on the One-Year Anniversary of Russia’s War Against Ukraine and the International Legal Order,” which was endorsed by the OSCE PA Bureau and published today at the conclusion of the 2023 OSCE PA Winter Meeting. Members of the U.S. Delegation include Head of Delegation and Helsinki Commission Co-Chair Sen. Ben Cardin (MD), Helsinki Commission Chair Rep. Joe Wilson (SC-02), Ranking Member Rep. Steve Cohen (TN-09), Commissioners Rep. Robert Aderholt (AL-04), Rep. Richard Hudson (NC-09), and Rep. Marc Veasey (TX-33). Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (TX-18) and Rep. Lloyd Doggett (TX-37) also participated in the delegation. Following a dedicated debate marking the one-year anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Assembly issued the statement to condemn Russia’s years-long clear, gross, and uncorrected violations of its commitments under the 1975 Helsinki Final Act and subsequent OSCE commitments. Click here to read the Joint Statement
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press release
Steadfast Support for Ukraine: United States Delegation Hosts Ukrainian and Partner Country Parliamentarians on the Margins of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly
Thursday, February 23, 2023WASHINGTON – Today, the United States Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE PA), led by Senator Ben Cardin (MD), met with Mykyta Poturaiev, Ukraine’s Head of Delegation and additional representatives of the Ukrainian Rada in Vienna, Austria, along with the Heads of Delegation of Canada, Estonia, France, Latvia, Poland, and the United Kingdom. On the eve of the one-year anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the parliamentary leaders in attendance pledged their sustained and steadfast support for Ukraine to counter Russian aggression: “We will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes to restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty over its 1991 borders. A year after Russia’s unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine, we recommit to combining our efforts to redress this injustice and hold Russia to account for its crimes, including by seeking its suspension from the Parliamentary Assembly (PA). We further urge the PA to host annual sessions and meetings in OSCE participating States prepared to block the participation of Russia’s representatives. We will not allow Russia’s reprehensible propaganda to go unchallenged at the OSCE PA or any other international forum. The world must hold Russia accountable for its aggression and for the war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide it is committing against the people of Ukraine. All of us are committed to the recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine and seek restitution from Russia to this end. “To the people of Ukraine: as you suffer Russia’s attacks on your cities and fight the aggressor in the battlefield, know that you are never alone in your courageous struggle for a secure and democratic future. As missiles rain down and the lights go out, and as you mourn all those you have lost, we mourn with you and share your fight for Ukrainian victory. You have our admiration and above all, our gratitude, as we remain resolutely at your side in solidarity and partnership.” Joining U.S. Head of DelegationSenator Ben Cardin were delegation members Helsinki Commission Chairman Rep. Joe Wilson (SC-02), Ranking Member Rep. Steve Cohen (TN-09), Commissioners Rep. Robert Aderholt (AL-04), Rep. Richard Hudson (NC-09), Rep. Marc Veasey (TX-33), and Representatives Sheila Jackson Lee (TX-18) and Lloyd Doggett (TX-37). The Ukrainian delegation consisted of Mr. Mykyta Poturaiev, Head of Delegation; Mr. Artur Gerasymov, Deputy Head of Delegation, Mr. Pavlo Frolov, Ms. Irina Gerashchenko, Ms. Evgeniia Kravchuk, and Ms. Nataliia Pipa. Heads of delegations present included Dr. Hedy Fry (Canada), Mr. Sven Sester (Estonia), Mr. Didier Paris (France), Mr. Rihards Kols (Latvia), Ms. Barbara Bartuś (Poland), and Sir John Whittingdale (United Kingdom).
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in the news
U.S. Delegation To OSCE Meeting Urges Step Toward Boycott Of Russian Participation
Thursday, February 23, 2023The U.S. delegation to the parliamentary assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has urged the assembly to host its meetings in OSCE states that are prepared to block Russia's participation, vowing not to allow Russia’s "reprehensible propaganda to go unchallenged" at the OSCE or in any other international forum. "The world must hold Russia accountable for its aggression and for the war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide it is committing against the people of Ukraine," the delegation said on February 23 in a statement. The statement also pledged "sustained and steadfast" support for Ukraine on the eve of the one-year anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of the country. “We will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes to restore Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty over its 1991 borders," the U.S. delegation said. The parliamentary assembly OSCE kicked off a two-day meeting earlier in Vienna amid harsh criticism of Russia's war in Ukraine and a boycott by Ukraine's delegation. Austria granted visas to several Russian delegates to attend the meeting as it started on February 23, despite calls by dozens of countries for Moscow's envoys to be banned from the Vienna-based OSCE, prompting widespread criticism, including from senior U.S. lawmakers. Ukraine and Lithuania are boycotting the gathering of representatives from the 57-member pan-European security body, which started one day before the anniversary of Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine that started the deadliest and most devastating conflict in Europe since World War II. It was the first time that members of the Russian State Duma have journeyed to the European Union in an official capacity since being sanctioned for supporting the war, notably by voting in favor of seizing the four Ukrainian territories of Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk, and Zaporizhzhya. The Russian delegates have faced harsh criticism from the outset, as a Slovak member delivered a statement on behalf of the boycotting Ukrainian delegation. "They [the Russian delegates] are not here for genuine dialogue nor for cooperation. They are here to spread their propaganda," the Ukrainian statement read, adding, "They are here to try and justify the war crimes they have committed and desecrate the principles of international law and human decency." The assembly's president, Swedish lawmaker Margareta Cederfelt, added to the criticism, saying in her opening remarks, "Today some parliamentarians are aiding and abetting the crime of aggression." Cederfelt said she felt sympathy for "the fact that some members find it unbearable to sit in the same room as the aggressors." But she called on participants to use the two-day gathering as "your opportunity to stand up for Ukraine and to confront the lies from the aggressors." Austria's decision to allow the Russian delegation into the country triggered protests despite Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg's explanation that it was his country's diplomatic obligation to allow participants from member states to attend the meeting. The previous two meetings of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly -- in July in Birmingham, England, and in the Polish capital, Warsaw, in November -- were held without Moscow's participation as both times the Russian delegation was denied visas. Representative Steve Cohen (Democrat-Tennessee), a member of the U.S. Helsinki Commission leadership who is attending the Vienna meeting, acknowledged Austria's reasoning behind the move to allow the Russians in, but told RFE/RL on February 22 that the visas should not have been granted. "Russia has violated every part of the reasons for this meeting to happen at all. And I think when a country goes that far, that maybe that they shouldn't be permitted." In a separate interview with RFE/RL on February 22, Joe Wilson, a Republican Congressman who heads the Helsinki Commission, said allowing Russia to attend the meeting sends "the wrong message to the world." The OSCE, the post-Cold War successor of the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe, is involved in issues such as arms control, promotion of human rights, media freedom, and the monitoring of free and fair elections.
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in the news
Lawmakers Question Pentagon on Ukraine Funds, Signaling Fresh Concerns
Tuesday, February 28, 2023WASHINGTON — Republicans in Congress sharply questioned senior Pentagon officials on Tuesday about the tens of billions of dollars in military and other aid the United States has sent to Ukraine, casting fresh doubt on whether they would embrace future spending as Democrats pleaded for a cleareyed assessment of how much more money would be needed. The exchanges at two House committee hearings, coming just days after the anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, highlighted how concerns about the high cost of sending weapons to Kyiv have intensified on Capitol Hill. The growing doubts have threatened what has been a strong bipartisan consensus in favor of the aid, and could make it more difficult for the Biden administration to win congressional approval of funds to replenish its military assistance accounts. The funding inflection point could come as soon as this summer, months earlier than previously expected. The hearings also illustrated how members of both parties, despite expressing confidence that a majority in Congress remains committed to supporting Ukraine, are concerned that a determined minority — including right-wing Republicans who eschew U.S. involvement in foreign conflicts and liberal antiwar Democrats — may weaken that resolve if the war continues to drag on. “We’re all concerned about accountability,” Representative Joe Wilson, Republican of South Carolina, who has supported Ukraine funding ventures in the past, said during a House Armed Services Committee hearing. “Please, let’s get this publicized so the American people can trust what the expenditures are.” Tensions were on display Tuesday as Representative Andrew Clyde, a Georgia Republican and an outspoken critic of funding for Ukraine, quizzed a top Defense Department official about allegations of lost and diverted weapons, whistle-blowers and fraud. “Accountability of the weapons shipped in is absolutely paramount, especially the most sensitive weapons, to ensure they are being used for their intended purposes and not diverted for nefarious purposes,” Mr. Clyde told Robert P. Storch, the Pentagon’s inspector general. Mr. Storch and other Pentagon officials testified that there had been no substantiated instances of sensitive weapons being diverted for improper purposes, but his statements did not silence the critics. Mr. Clyde’s questions nonetheless were striking since he does not have a seat on the Armed Services Committee. He was invited to participate by its chairman, Representative Mike D. Rogers of Alabama, a staunch supporter of supplying military assistance to Ukraine. Mr. Rogers offered Mr. Clyde the bulk of his question time for the grilling, after noting that the record-setting levels of military assistance required “an unprecedented level of oversight by Congress.” Pledges to send tanks, the grinding nature of the war on the ground and a steady clamor from certain corners of Congress to greenlight advanced systems for Ukraine have threatened to drain war funds at a faster clip than appropriators anticipated last December, when lawmakers approved about $45 billion in military and other assistance, projecting it would last until the end of September. The steep price tag of the war has prompted Congress to issue a battery of oversight requirements for information about how the money has been spent. Some of those details have been provided to lawmakers, but few have reached the public. The accelerating spending and dearth of detailed information have fueled the resolve of several naysayers, who doubled down this week on a campaign to cast the Ukraine assistance program as a failed boondoggle, with the apparent tacit blessing of party leaders. “You cannot testify that we have complied with the end-use monitoring requirements at all times during this conflict, can you?” insisted Representative Matt Gaetz, Republican of Florida, accusing Mr. Storch of dodging. Democrats, too, voiced concerns on Tuesday, pleading with Pentagon leaders to be straight with them about how much more money lawmakers could expect to be asked to approve for Ukraine. “How many more times do you think Congress needs to provide aid?” Representative Ro Khanna, Democrat of California, asked Colin H. Kahl, the under secretary of defense for policy, during his appearance before the Armed Services panel. “What do you think, at the end, is the end game?” The questioning was mirrored by some Democrats on the House Appropriations panel that oversees military spending posed similar questions to Celeste Wallander, the assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs. “How much bigger would the bill be?” asked Representative Ed Case, Democrat of Hawaii, expressing concern about the administration’s successive requests for more aid. “We have to at least anticipate that possibility that we would see a higher bill next year.” Pentagon leaders were reluctant to commit to either a figure or a timeline upon which they would be seeking additional funds, saying that the vagaries of the war made it impossible to commit to a schedule. “I don’t have a sense of whether it would be higher or reduced; I just know that we are planning for the kind of effective deterrent force that Ukraine will need,” Ms. Wallander said. Mr. Kahl suggested that the demands of some lawmakers to step up military assistance to Ukraine could further complicate the Biden administration’s efforts to keep the war effort supplied. In the past week, the bipartisan group of House members calling on President Biden to supply Ukraine with F-16 fighter jets has more than tripled. On Tuesday, Representative Chrissy Houlahan, Democrat of Pennsylvania, a member of the group and a former Air Force officer, implored Mr. Kahl to explain why programs to train Ukrainian pilots to operate the systems had not commenced. Mr. Kahl insisted that doing so would not save time, estimating that it would take about 18 months to train Ukrainian pilots to use the F-16 jets, which was also the Pentagon’s shortest projected time frame for sending them. “It doesn’t make sense to start training them on a system they may never get,” he said, noting that while F-16s were a priority for Ukraine, “it’s not one of their top three priorities.” He also said that even sending older models of F-16s would be costly, totaling $2 billion to $3 billion for about 36 planes, which would fall short of the 50 to 80 that the Pentagon estimates Ukraine would need to update its existing air force. “That would consume a huge portion of the remaining security assistance that we have for this fiscal year,” Mr. Kahl noted, ticking through the numbers. “These are the trade-offs we are making in real time.”
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Commission on security and cooperation in Europe
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